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The Quest for Biafra Sovereignty: A Constitutional Right of Indigenous People

The union called Nigeria came into being after the amalgamation in 1914 by British colonialists. The Nigerian state was not the decision of ...


The union called Nigeria came into being after the amalgamation in 1914 by British colonialists. The Nigerian state was not the decision of the people existing therein but a forced union of diverse ethnicities, cultures, religions, and ideologies. Among these groups are the Igbo people from the Southeast region of Nigeria. People with very unique characteristics who find it hard to coexist with people who do not value human Lives nor believe in Equity and Justice. This is the reason they advocate for the independence of Biafra.

 

The Nigerian federation has not served as a partnership of equals, but rather a system of Exclusion, Economic exploitation, religious intolerance and Cultural Oppression. This situation has forced the people of Southeast (Biafra) to constantly demand a peaceful separation from Nigeria, a genuine call for survival, dignity, and self-determination.

 

The Biafran secession attempt (1967–1970), ignited by the violent attacks against the southeast Igbo ethnic group in Northern Nigeria (1966–67), led to a devastating genocide that claimed the lives of an estimated 3 million people in the Southeast, primarily due to starvation caused by Nigeria's intentional food blockade.

 

The War ended with the slogan of "No victor, no vanquished," yet the policies that followed the War ensured that the Igbo were left economically devastated, politically marginalized, and socially excluded:

            •           Properties confiscated under the "Abandoned Property Decree"

            •           A mere £20 payment to all Biafrans, regardless of their pre-war financial status

            •           A so-called "reconciliation" policy that concealed decades of systematic exclusion.

This shared trauma has become the ideological backbone of the current Biafran struggle.

 

Political Marginalization: Second-Class Citizens in a Supposed Federation

Even though the Southeast is one of Nigeria's most significant ethnic groups, it remains politically marginalized. No Igbo individual has occupied Nigeria's presidency since 1966. Northern elites and the Yorubas predominantly hold key federal positions and lead the military.

 

Infrastructure investment and federal presence in Southeast Nigeria are minimal or absent. The region's only international airport is serviced by only one airline, Ethiopian Airlines, and the landing costs are exorbitant, resulting in fares that are twice as high as those for flights from Lagos and Abuja. Furthermore, there are no functional seaports in Southeast Nigeria. 



The seaports in Calabar, Onne, Port Harcourt, and Warri are largely inactive, and the construction of the Onitsha seaport was abandoned early on despite the over congestion of the two Lagos Ports. Most federal roads in the Southeast are in poor condition and have become hazardous to travel on. Additionally, federal hospitals and schools are in disrepair. In fact, the only federal presence in the Southeast seems to be that of security agents, who are often seen harassing, intimidating, and even killing residents.

 

It's pretty alarming that state-sanctioned force is frequently employed to stifle dissent in the Southeast region, while armed groups in the North, like the Fulani terrorists nicknamed Bandits and Boko Haram, are often negotiated with, rehabilitated and reintegrated into the national security system. This glaring double standard highlights a significant power imbalance, making it increasingly difficult for Igbos to coexist peacefully with other Nigerians.

 

Economic Strangulation: Wealth Without Power

The Southeast stands out as one of Nigeria's most industrious and entrepreneurial areas. Cities such as Onitsha, Aba, and Nnewi are bustling commercial hubs; yet, the region receives very little federal investment. Crucial sea ports and rail infrastructure are either denied or delayed in the Southeast.

 

Revenue allocation formulas heavily favour other regions even though the Southeast owns 90% of the revenues.

 

Despite these challenges, the Southeast's creativity and resourcefulness continue to drive the region's growth, prompting many to wonder: Why remain in a system that seems designed to hold us back? A sovereign state of Biafra could tap into its economic potential by:

Establishing open international trade through its own ports

            •           Fostering industrial and tech-driven self-sufficiency

            •           Encouraging investment from the diaspora without federal interference.

 

Insecurity and State Violence: A Region Under Siege

The Southeast has become heavily militarized, not to combat terrorism, but to quell peaceful Biafran protests. Members of IPOB (Indigenous People of Biafra) and their supporters face:

            •           Arbitrary arrests

            •           Shooting to kill during demonstrations

            •           Disappearance without trial

In contrast, Northern bandits, herdsmen, and terrorists are often referred to as "repentant" and granted amnesty. This disparity reveals a state that is threatened by Igbo assertiveness, using security forces as a means of ethnic domination. No nation can truly prosper under such systemic hostility.

 

Cultural and Ideological Dissonance: Oil and Water Cannot Mix

Nigeria is a nation marked by deep cultural divides:

            •           Religious differences: The North is predominantly Muslim and advocates for Islamic legal codes (Sharia). At the same time, the South is predominantly Christian and secular.

 

Governance perspectives: The North tends towards feudal structures and centralized power, whereas the Southeast favours egalitarianism and merit-based systems.

 

Educational disparities: The Southern regions boast high literacy rates and a globally aware youth, whereas many children in the North remain out of school, with a slogan that Education is a taboo.

 

This clash of ideologies runs deep—it's not just a surface issue; it's fundamentally incompatible at a structural level.

 


A glance at the International Legal Case for Self-Determination

According to international law (UN Charter Article 1(2), African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights), People have the Right to self-determination, especially when their rights are consistently violated, when they face political and economic marginalization, and when they are regarded as a "people apart" within a larger political entity.

Biafra meets all these criteria.

 

Lessons from Others: Eritrea, South Sudan, and Beyond

            •           Eritrea gained independence from Ethiopia after enduring years of War and marginalization; today, it stands as a recognized sovereign state.

            •           South Sudan separated from Sudan in 2011 through a UN-supported referendum after decades of oppression.

            •           Kosovo, Bangladesh, and Timor-Leste have all emerged from similar struggles.

 

Nigeria's assertion of "indivisibility" is nothing more than a political myth. No union can last forever when it becomes a prison for one of its peoples.

 

In Conclusion,

Biafra's quest for independence isn't rooted in hatred—it's a plea for life, freedom, and a legacy. Staying within Nigeria has brought:

            •           No justice for war crimes

            •           No fairness in governance

            •           No safety or opportunities for Biafran youths 

In the face of ongoing oppression, economic sabotage, and political exclusion, Biafra needs to break away from Nigeria—not out of animosity, but in pursuit of a brighter future.

 

Written by 

Biafra Wise Man

 

Edited by 

Oby M 

 

For Enugu State Media Team

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